Between the death of Perón and Nestor Kirchner, there are ghosts that were exacerbated by the bad blood of many communities. Fear is not stupid, they say, but the chill that ran through the column more than one, the day when the news of the death of former President Kirchner, has no basis in reality. Yesterday's and today, are two radically different contexts. They have to throw any similarity between Cristina and Isabel is an insult to the history and the ability of the President, a militant base, a political career, intellectual and courageous woman, what is commonly said in the political jargon, "a cuadrazo de puta madre", regardless of opinions that can be taken for their management, past successes or failures.
That was a huge central de Kirchner at the time to contain the diversity of Peronism, it is true. And that should be rocking to continue prosecuting this space by 2011, so is. But this is not the Peronism that imploded in the 74 ', much less is a Peronist forces contradictions and voltage with real speech and fundamentalists who come to meet again on the streets of the port city. What today just a bad copy of that time in history. While much of the membership base of the famous JP is now in power, the youth association is not to then and the intellectuals of the Triple A, these self-confessed fascist, extreme right of the soul and life that they sat in the Peronist party apparatus to gain positions and impose measures do not exist. Although Duhalde is a dark and highly dangerous creature is far from being a representative of the extreme right wing of the Peronist who lived within 70 '. Clear that the Argentine political map is fragmented, but that fragmentation is less dominant than it was in the 70's.
This is a somewhat anomalous Peronism, which receives and many a cross-eternal-unfinished construction of nutrient enrich it with new social ties and representations. If the 74 'was a heinous Peronism features, some of their old parties are now out and do not appear to pose a threat.
Now what? Is the question asked by everyone. CEOs of large corporations, entrepreneurs, publishers, journalists, stockbrokers, bankers, those who pose as journalists, analysts, the divas of the show, saying absurdly of all, the intellectuals not saying anything, students, employees, trade unionists, politicians (ruling party or opposition) militants, the fakers and con artists, thieves, police, armed forces, the housewives, street vendors, the general public trying to figure out what will happen to the country from now on.
Nestor's death leaves no way a country adrift. After all, the country still operating today, is "progressing," stumbled and between contradictions (as always), but is moving forward, not backward, as many insist on thinking. Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner is not Isabelita. Peron left as a successor to a president and an inept criminal paranoid, Nestor left no one, because someone had the power, his wife, our Madam President, unfit woman who has absolutely nothing. Aníbal Fernández De Vido or not Lopez Rega, Boudou not Celestino Rodrigo, Pichetto not Italo Luder, Balbin Ricardo Alfonsin is not. Moyano not Rucci. Daer not Ravitti. Tosco Lescano is not, nor is there a Triple A exterminating opponents left and right. Nor are there in Peronism two opposing positions and radical, as was the Peronist left and right. Peronism is not lopezreguismo dissident, nor is Montoneros Kirchner, Max Kirchner Cabandie not Firmenich and Abal Medina, even the son of Abal Medina, really like his father. Ruckauf alone is not, and De Narvaez is Lastiri. In 2010 there are groups in society such as FAP, the FAR or Descamisados. Neither party is banned by extreme ideologies, military or stalking the streets, there is no clandestine or beardless youth, or Che Guevara guerrilla fighting and pushing from the jungle and abroad. Quebracho ERP is not, nor is Santucho Esteche not put a bomb every hour or face a military firing, activists and government supporters and opponents. United States is not preparing a coup (well, it never really know), or the CIA paramilitary and military training at the School of the Americas. And we agree, Orlando Barone is Rodolfo Walsh.
To understand part of the reality that followed Peron must know what General left the country on the day of his death. Since the early 74 ', the economy was wrecked in a sea of \u200b\u200bdoubt and the relationship between prices and wages was increasingly precarious. The global oil crisis, produced from Yom Kippur War in the Middle East, forcing the government to a drastic plan of domestic savings and compounded an already fragile pact between employers and trade unionists. Furthermore, the presence of an adjustment plan IMF worsened a weak fiscal outlook. Argentina and was then a full member of IMF, and Peron, returning to power, they rejected that decision. Thus, unlike their previous presidencies, Perón accepted international recipes adjustment to curb an economic downturn growing by the minute. In contrast, Nestor Kirchner left as projections for 2011 growth of 5% (this must be added the 7 years of significant and sustained growth experienced by the country allowing you to maintain "happy" to all productive sectors, despite to shocks and conflicts that arise from time to time), a record reserves of 60 billion dollars that will allow you to handle with confidence, estimated exports of $ 76,600,000,000 that will allow the state to make large sums of money to maintain social accomplishments, a trade balance in favor for about U.S. $ 12,000,000,000 to encourage investment and expansion of production in Argentina, a balance of payments of 0.8% of national GDP and a stable dollar. The discussion between business and labor occurs in the context of the actual distribution of wealth (trying to reach the famous 50 and 50 of Peron's first government), joint and collective bargaining agreements running efficiently. A projection of Public Works representing 6% of GDP, social inclusion through the AUH (universal child allowance recipients requiring the same to send their children to school and make them permanent medical supervision) and retirement pay to two million pensioners out of the pension system, which are now inside. And the internal problems of the CGT contained by the unconditional support Moyano, strong man of Confederation and concessions so low to "The Fat" (where the trade union level weakest leg of the control strategy kirchnerismo).
At the time of death, Nestor Kirchner allowed with measures that Argentina grew in 2010 to 8% per annum, unemployment was 7.5%, the dollar remained stable and non-competitive and no action was projected antisocial. Unlike all Perón, and especially the last, Kirchner had the principles of the economic model a set of variables keys: the production of tradable goods as the axis of the accumulation process, articulating with recovery of employment and rising domestic consumption. This combined with a policy of solidifying the fiscal and external variables, by the accumulation of reserves and settlement of liabilities grew on all fronts in the country. This paradigm was accompanied by a foreign policy that aimed to strengthen the inclusion of Argentina in the new global context, characterized by the consolidation of the emerging world, deep regional perspective. The sequence: strengthening of Mercosur (although unlike the 90's with the negotiation of a management system bilateral trade with Brazil), stoning the FTAA project, creation of UNASUR and, by way of partnership with the neighboring country, location of a place waiting in global politics through participation in the exclusive G-20. At the 1974
everything politician was stained by the sign of Peronism. The domestic sectors within the movement had taken over the scene and only death was expected for defining the race. And in terms of football-as-fashion, the party won in the PJ as the conservative and repressive, which increasingly had more hands tied, and persecuted, the so-called "trend." At present, although the political picture is occupied mostly by Peronism, there are many groups emerging that are relevant and are real choice and effective government out of Kirchner. Inside or outside no ideological discussions momentous break with the known order. Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner will not cause a revolution and the rest of the right much less. The left does not represent any danger, without strong political representation that will assure winning positions and not guerrillas, they have no voice. Therefore, beyond Amager and concessions, beyond anger or pseudobatallas, in a social consciousness present in measures of state that no worry.
Surrounded by military dictatorships, Peron's Argentina is ever closer to the policies issued by the U.S. State Department. So, magically, the Peronist youth went from "great" to "stupid and callow, social inclusion and ushered in a period of adjustments and concessions and any traces left inside or outside government was exterminated. The bid that had begun almost a year ago in Ezeiza defined in that foggy morning of July 1, 1974. The current reality of Argentina is totally opposed to the United States in any way imposing its political agenda our country, and gives recipes to benefit their interests. The neighbors in the region have become South America in a wide region that accompanies and help each other. Together they protect and help preventing the intrusion of foreign ideas and interests.
As that progressed July 1, the country was adding questions. A massive funeral, a grief shared, all wrapped in a feeling of emptiness and silence, which would soon become the worst in Argentina's history. That July 1, 1974, the atmosphere was intense uncertainty. Indeed, for several weeks of feeling in the Argentina of bids and seizure policies total uncertainty was permanent. On the morning of October 27, 2010 dawned sunny Buenos Aires, all waiting for the census, the political momentum is presented in "quiet" (read that in politics nothing is ever calm) before the unveiling expectations in the future not too distant future the outcome of the internal program, the partnerships established and confirm the nominations and elections for next year. The economy showed no great leaps to anyone, everything was under control, if we analyze the numbers were very favorable to the government.
In 1974 this feeling of uncertainty had a dual effect: first, it was feared an institutional crisis after it has started in motion the constitutional mechanisms of succession of the President, also expected a "laundering" of Peronism's internal bids, silenced by the historical figure of the leader. The first was a slow evolution to be completed by 1976. The other, an immediate gasp. In 2010, Kirchner's death with no feeling of uncertainty, beyond that generated by the media and opposition politicians. We know where we're going (or at least what the course), we need to get and social achievements that we can achieve if we do things.
All that is repeated between the two periods compared here, is mediocrity of the media. We can easily see that is always Grondona Grondona, who was always Neustadt died, that was always Clarín Clarín, stealing, lying, misleading, confusing, (mis) reporting, swindling and trading up with the "devil" and that The Nation has always been La Nacion, the newspaper that always spoke on behalf of the oligarchy and the status quo and not on behalf of the truth (as it should be). The establishment again showed their sharp claws, never hide, which is never dull. A mere twenty minutes from the death of former President Eduardo van der Kooy and had uploaded his column in the online edition of Clarin charged with a thinly veiled triumphalism that actually causes nausea to any reader of "good milk." In the shameless analysis can be read the last part where it says that we are facing "a doomed country between tragedy and the drama", after noting the uncertainty over the future of the fledgling kirchnerismo before election year. The need to generate confusion and fear does not always lead to another type of analysis. The need to destroy anything that might damage their interests is voracious and manifest. The day after posting that note, this unhappy "journalist" continued licking another note in which we highlight this part: "The death of Kirchner force Cristina now a huge effort to manage the ailing machinery of power that her husband left her an inheritance. The common denominator would then concentration and personalism that Peronism repeated as a practice that pays off not predictability to the progress of Argentina. " Enough words to create fear the reader distracted, resentful, a survivor of that long dark night that took place in the 70's. But it is true, those who produce these texts are fiction chief political reality are composed only of two contradictory elements that are joining and separating indefinitely until it breaks everything. Predatory misogyny Rosendo Fraga also did not expect in his column in The Nation, the former adviser to the dictator Roberto Viola is the President as a submissive wife, disempowered. Fraga, was allowed to raise, with the fresh dead, the conditions that should sink Cristina to exercise power. In this sense, Fraga merely trying to close the circle that opened the director of La Nación, José Claudio Escribano, when he assumed Kirchner on top in 2003 published the specifications to be submitted to if I wanted to complete the first year in office : rearrange relations with the IMF to grant amnesty to the military to break with Cuba. In a note entitled "The cultural triumph Kirchner, Jorge Fontevecchia predicts that "She's the great unknown. You can build resilience, taking over as president and become full political space candidate most likely to win the next election than they did her husband. Or it may begin an emotional process that lands in the transfer of power in December next year with more or less turbulence, depending on whether you lean to the detachment of mourning or melancholy nervousness obsessive process. "
Nothing really changed in Argentina, much less with the death of Kirchner, the interests of power are trying to keep everything and keep someone Shifting the established order. No way back the past or the past will repeat the tragedy it was. To try only represent a pathetic farce (as asserted by Marx) would be consumed immediately, although we should not call it terror, or even tempted.
Worst of all, this is still the media.
Asked: And now, the answer should be: to continue to work always looking forward, without forgetting or pardon, without impunity, poverty and mediocrity. Knowing what is important is the whole and not the party, that much, so much to do, and you can. Do not be afraid, because this is our time and not the seventies.
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